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  Thu, Jun 05, 2014
Belgium 2014 EP election map - cantonal majorities
Yesterday I published on Federal Elections in Belgium - Elections to the Senate and the Chamber of Representatives a cantonal-level election map of the parliamentary election held in the Western European country last May 25. However, on that same day Belgian voters also elected their members of the European Parliament, and here is the corresponding election map for the European vote in Belgium.

May 25, 2014 European Parliament Election Map: Majority Party by Canton

Antwerp Antwerp Brussels-Capital East Flanders Hainaut Hainaut Flemish Brabant Liège Limburg Limburg Luxembourg Namur Walloon Brabant West Flanders West Flanders Brussels-Capital

The outcome of the European Parliament election in Belgium was broadly similar to that of the Chamber of Representatives vote held on the same day, but by no means identical. To be certain, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) topped the poll in both races, but its lead was considerably smaller in the European vote: it actually finished behind Open VLD - the Flemish Liberals - in Flemish Brabant, and faced strong competition from the Flemish Christian Democrats (CD&V) and the Liberals in West and East Flanders, respectively; N-VA prevailed in both constituencies, but just barely. In all, the New Flemish Alliance carried 53 of the 104 Flemish cantons in the European vote, down from 87 in the Chamber election.

Meanwhile, in Wallonia the Humanist Democratic Center (CDH) had a weaker showing in the European election, and lost Luxembourg province to the Reform Movement (MR). However, in the two cantons of Belgium's German-speaking Community, the Christian Social Party (CSP) emerged as the largest party, outperforming CDH - its Francophone counterpart - in the Chamber vote.


posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 06/05/2014 10:37 | permanent link

  Sat, Sep 28, 2013
One week after Bundestag election, Germany inches towards a grand coalition government
The leaders of Germany's main opposition party, the center-left Social Democratic Party (SPD) agreed yesterday to begin talks on forming a coalition government with Chancellor Angela Merkel's ruling right-of-center Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its Bavarian counterpart, the Christian Social Union (CSU). However, any agreement between the Union parties and the Social Democrats will have to be approved by SPD's 472,000 members in a binding vote.

In last Sunday's election to the Bundestag - the lower chamber of Germany's bicameral Parliament - CDU/CSU won a clear victory over SPD, which scored minor gains but still polled its second-worst result in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany. However, CDU/CSU's coalition partner, the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) fell just below the five percent threshold needed to secure parliamentary representation, and lost all its seats in the Bundestag for the first time ever; in turn, this left Chancellor Merkel without an overall legislative majority. While the exclusion of both FDP and the Alternative for Germany (AfD) - a new Euro-sceptic party that polled strongly, but also fell short of the five percent hurdle - allowed the country's three main left-wing parties - SPD, the environmentalist Greens and the post-Communist Left - to win a small combined majority in the Bundestag, SPD leaders have repeatedly made it clear they will not join forces with The Left, which remains widely reviled in western Germany as the successor of East Germany's defunct Communist Party.

Nevertheless, the Social Democrats had been reluctant to join CDU/CSU in a coalition government, not least because the Social Democrats and the Christian Democrats - Germany's two major parties since 1949 - have been traditional adversaries. Just as important, Merkel's successive coalition partners - SPD itself in 2005-2009 and FDP from 2009 to 2013 - went on to suffer heavy losses at the polls, and many SPD members fear history could repeat itself if the party agrees once more to form a coalition government with Merkel. However, at this juncture the only other alternatives would be a coalition between the Union parties and the Greens - generally regarded as highly unlikely - or a minority CDU/CSU government, which Merkel has already ruled out. Moreover, post-election polls indicate a large majority of German voters want the Chancellor to form a coalition government with the Social Democrats.

Although both the Greens and The Left lost ground in last Sunday's election, the latter became Germany's third largest party for the first time ever. However, differences in voting patterns persist on both sides of the now-defunct Iron Curtain, twenty-three years after reunification: while The Left finished a poor fifth in the "old Länder" of the former West Germany, it remains the second largest party in the "new Länder" of the former German Democratic Republic. On the other hand, FDP managed to finish just above the five percent threshold in western Germany, but the party's disastrous result in eastern Germany dragged its share of the vote below the critical hurdle. That said, CDU topped the poll in every Länder it ran except Hamburg and Bremen (both carried by SPD), while CSU swept in Bavaria.

Elections to the German Bundestag has detailed results of every Bundestag election since 1949, including last Sunday's vote, which was held under a reformed electoral system intended to guarantee a fully proportional distribution of Bundestag seats among qualifying parties. Ironically, the exclusion of FDP, AfD and a host of smaller parties - most notably among them the digital privacy/rights-oriented Pirate Party, which scored modest gains compared to its previous showing four years ago - led to an unusually disproportionate election outcome, as a record 15.7% of the votes cast for party lists were "wasted" on parties that failed to make it to the Bundestag.

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 09/28/2013 18:03 | permanent link

  Sun, Sep 22, 2013
Germany's ruling coalition could lose majority - exit polls (updated)
Exit polls from German broadcasters ARD and ZDF suggest that Chancellor Angela Merkel's ruling CDU/CSU-FDP coalition could lose its Bundestag majority in today's federal election.

While both the ARD and ZDF exit polls place Merkel's CDU and CSU - the CDU's counterpart in Bavaria - sixteen percentage points ahead of SPD, the main opposition party, both polls have the liberal FDP falling just short of the five percent threshold needed to secure Bundestag representation. Moreover, CDU/CSU alone would fall short of an overall parliamentary majority, with SPD, the Left Party and the environmentalist Greens attaining a slender joint lead over the Union parties.

Meanwhile, the Euro-sceptic Alternative for Germany (AfD), while polling strongly for a new party, would also fall short of the five percent threshold, although just barely.

Update

ARD and ZDF have both made small adjustments to their forecasts, which point to a very small CDU/CSU absolute majority over the left-wing parties. However, AfD is now just one-tenth of a point below the five percent threshold in both exit poll forecasts; if it were to cross the threshold, CDU/CSU would then end up well short of a Bundestag majority.

Update-on-the-update

The Federal Returning Officer is now publishing live 2013 Bundestag election results in German and English. Meanwhile, exit poll numbers have been dancing back and forth on the prospect of a CDU/CSU absolute majority in the Bundestag.

I'm also commenting on today's vote in Germany over at the Fruits and Votes blog.

Elections to the German Bundestag now has detailed federal- and state-level preliminary results of today's vote in Germany.

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 09/22/2013 20:47 | permanent link

  Sun, Sep 15, 2013
Germany's Reformed Electoral System
As noted in Elections to the German Bundestag, this year's parliamentary election in Germany will be held under a reformed electoral system that introduces adjustment seats, in order to guarantee a fully proportional allocation of Bundestag seats among qualifying parties.

While the recently enacted reform does not change the basic functioning of Germany's Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system (described here), it introduces a new, two-tier mechanism for the nationwide distribution of Bundestag mandates. In the first stage, a non-binding allocation of seats among qualifying parties is carried out in each one of Germany's sixteen Länder by the Sainte-Laguë/Schepers method of PR. However, if a party secures more constituency seats in the first vote of a particular Land than the number of seats it would be entitled to according to the result of the second vote, it keeps the extra seats at this stage.

(Under Sainte-Laguë/Schepers, the distribution of seats is obtained by dividing party votes by a divisor or quota, such that the sum of party seats - the resulting quotients, with fractions greater than 0.5 rounded up to the next whole number - will be equal to the total number of seats to be filled.)

Had the new mechanism been in place for the 2009 Bundestag election, and had voters cast their ballots in the same manner, the initial allocation of seats would have stood as follows:

   Land       Seats   
        
  
         SPD       CDU       CSU       GRÜNE       FDP       DIE
LINKE
      Total   
   Schleswig-Holstein       6       9               3       4       2       24   
   Mecklenburg-Vorpommern       3       6               1       1       4       15   
   Hamburg       3       4               2       2       1       12   
   Niedersachsen       19       21               7       8       5       60   
   Bremen       2       1               1               1       5   
   Brandenburg       6       5               1       2       6       20   
   Sachsen-Anhalt       3       6               1       2       6       18   
   Berlin       5       6               5       3       5       24   
   Nordrhein-Westfalen       38       45               14       20       11       128   
   Sachsen       5       16               2       5       8       36   
   Hessen       12       15               5       7       4       43   
   Thüringen       3       7               1       2       6       19   
   Rheinland-Pfalz       8       13               3       5       3       32   
   Bayern       17               45       11       14       6       93   
   Baden-Württemberg       16       37               11       15       6       85   
   Saarland       2       4               1       1       2       10   
   Total       148       195       45       69       91       76       624   



The total number of seats won by each one of the six qualifying parties is the minimum number of mandates the party would be entitled to receive at the federal level. The number of second votes won by each qualifying party would then be divided by its corresponding seat total from the preceding allocation, minus 0.5:

 
SPD:    9,990,488 

 147.5 
= 67,732
 
CDU:    11,828,277 

 194.5 
= 60,813
 
CSU:    2,830,238 

 44.5 
= 63,600
 
GRÜNE:    4,643,272 

 68.5 
= 67,784
 
FDP:    6,316,080 

 90.5 
= 69,790
 
DIE LINKE:    5,155,933 

 75.5 
= 68,290



The votes-to-seats minus 0.5 quotients show a significant deviation from full proportionality - with quotients ranging from a low of 60,813 for CDU to a high of 69,790 for FDP - largely due to the allocation of twenty-six overhang mandates (22 CDU, 3 CSU and one SPD). The distribution of seats on a Land-by-Land basis would have also introduced a distorting effect, but it would have been comparatively minuscule: had overhang seats been disregarded at this stage, the quotients would have fluctuated between 67,784 and 69,790.

At any rate, in the second stage the number of second votes polled by each one of the qualifying parties would have been divided by the smallest of the aforementioned quotients, with remainders larger than 0.5 rounded up to the next whole number, to obtain the definitive nationwide distribution of Bundestag seats:

 
SPD:    9,990,488 

 60,813 
= 164.2821107 = 164 seats
 
CDU:    11,828,277 

 60,813 
= 194.5024419 = 195 seats
 
CSU:    2,830,238 

 60,813 
= 46.5400161 = 47 seats
 
GRÜNE:    4,643,272 

 60,813 
= 76.3532797 = 76 seats
 
FDP:    6,316,080 

 60,813 
= 103.8606877 = 104 seats
 
DIE LINKE:    5,155,933 

 60,813 
= 84.7834016 = 85 seats



This would conclude the allocation of seats at the federal level, and the mandates obtained by each party would then be distributed among its Land lists; the results of the initial Land-level allocation of seats would be discarded at this point.

Under the previous electoral system, party mandates were proportionally allocated among its Land lists, but if a Land list received fewer seats than its corresponding number of direct mandates, it kept the overhang seats, and the size of the Bundestag was increased accordingly. However, under the new electoral system, the allocation of Bundestag seats at the federal level is definitive and cannot be altered by the distribution of party mandates at the Land level. As such, in the event one or more party Land lists receive fewer seats than the corresponding number of constituency seats won by the party, the allocation divisor would be increased until each one of the party's Land lists received a number of seats equal to the larger of its rounded quotient, or its corresponding number of direct mandates.

Nonetheless, in most cases all the Land lists of a given party secure a proportional allocation larger than or equal to their corresponding number of constituency seats, and in such instances the system remains essentially unchanged from past Bundestag elections, the main difference being the actual PR method used for the distribution of seats (d'Hondt from 1957 to 1983, Hare/Niemeyer from 1987 to 2005, Sainte-Laguë/Schepers since 2009). For example, the Land-level allocation of SPD mandates according to the Sainte-Laguë/Schepers method would have produced the following results (with a divisor of 60,541):

   Land    Votes    Quotient    Seats   
           
  
            Total    Direct    List   
   Schleswig-Holstein    430,739    7.114831    7    2    5   
   Mecklenburg-Vorpommern    143,607    2.372062    2    0    2   
   Hamburg    242,942    4.012851    4    3    1   
   Niedersachsen    1,297,940    21.439025    21    14    7   
   Bremen    102,419    1.691730    2    2    0   
   Brandenburg    348,216    5.751738    6    5    1   
   Sachsen-Anhalt    202,850    3.350622    3    0    3   
   Berlin    348,082    5.749525    6    2    4   
   Nordrhein-Westfalen    2,678,956    44.250277    44    27    17   
   Sachsen    328,753    5.430254    5    0    5   
   Hessen    812,721    13.424307    13    6    7   
   Thüringen    216,593    3.577625    4    0    4   
   Rheinland-Pfalz    520,990    8.605573    9    2    7   
   Bayern    1,120,018    18.500157    19    0    19   
   Baden-Württemberg    1,051,198    17.363407    17    1    16   
   Saarland    144,464    2.386218    2    0    2   



As in past elections, any direct mandates won by a party in a particular Land would be deducted from its proportional seat allocation. Thus, the 27 constituency seats won by SPD in Nordrhein-Westfalen would be subtracted from its proportional allocation of 44 seats, and the party would be awarded seventeen list seats in that Land.

However, in the case of CDU the number of constituency seats won by the party would exceed its Land list seat allocation in several Länder, which would require the allocation divisor to be increased from 60,658 to 68,400, with the following results:

   Land    Votes    Quotient    Seats   
           
  
            Total    Direct    List   
   Schleswig-Holstein    518,457    7.579781    9    9    0   
   Mecklenburg-Vorpommern    287,481    4.202939    6    6    0   
   Hamburg    246,667    3.606243    4    3    1   
   Niedersachsen    1,471,530    21.513596    22    16    6   
   Bremen    80,964    1.183684    1    0    1   
   Brandenburg    327,454    4.787339    5    1    4   
   Sachsen-Anhalt    362,311    5.296944    5    4    1   
   Berlin    393,180    5.748246    6    5    1   
   Nordrhein-Westfalen    3,111,478    45.489444    45    37    8   
   Sachsen    800,898    11.709035    16    16    0   
   Hessen    1,022,822    14.953538    15    15    0   
   Thüringen    383,778    5.610789    7    7    0   
   Rheinland-Pfalz    767,487    11.220570    13    13    0   
   Baden-Württemberg    1,874,481    27.404693    37    37    0   
   Saarland    179,289    2.621184    4    4    0   



Thus, party Land lists still retain their corresponding overhang mandates (if any), but now these will be proportionally deducted from the party's lists in the remaining Länder.

The final distribution of seats in the 2009 Bundestag election would have then stood as follows:

   Land       Seats   
        
  
         SPD       CDU       CSU       GRÜNE       FDP       DIE
LINKE
      Total   
   Schleswig-Holstein       7       9               3       4       2       25   
   Mecklenburg-Vorpommern       2       6               1       1       4       14   
   Hamburg       4       4               2       2       2       14   
   Niedersachsen       21       22               8       10       6       67   
   Bremen       2       1               1       1       1       6   
   Brandenburg       6       5               1       2       7       21   
   Sachsen-Anhalt       3       5               1       2       6       17   
   Berlin       6       6               5       3       6       26   
   Nordrhein-Westfalen       44       45               16       23       13       141   
   Sachsen       5       16               2       5       9       37   
   Hessen       13       15               6       9       5       48   
   Thüringen       4       7               1       2       6       20   
   Rheinland-Pfalz       9       13               4       6       3       35   
   Bayern       19               47       12       16       7       101   
   Baden-Württemberg       17       37               12       17       6       89   
   Saarland       2       4               1       1       2       10   
   Total       164       195       47       76       104       85       671   



While the new electoral system would have increased the size of the Bundestag by 49 seats, to a total of 671, it would not have substantially changed the outcome of the 2009 Bundestag election: incumbent Chancellor Angela Merkel would still have been able to form a CDU/CSU-FDP coalition government, albeit with a parliamentary majority cut in half (from 332-290 to 346-325) when compared to the actual election outcome.


posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 09/15/2013 19:34 | permanent link

  Mon, Aug 20, 2012
El Referéndum de Enmiendas a la Constitución de Puerto Rico de 2012 (actualizado)
(This posting is also available in English.)

Los electores puertorriqueños acudirán a las urnas el próximo domingo, 19 de agosto de 2012, para votar en un referéndum de enmiendas constitucionales, sobre el número de miembros de la Asamblea Legislativa y el derecho a la fianza.

La enmienda constitucional sobre el número de miembros de la Asamblea Legislativa propone una reducción del número de senadores de 27 a 17, y el de representantes de 51 a 39, a partir de 2016. El n;mero de escaños por acumulación en cada cámara se reduciría de once a seis. Asimismo, el tope de la representación de los partidos de minoría se reduciría de nueve a seis escaños en el Senado, y de 17 a 13 escaños en la Cámara de Representantes.

Aunque la enmienda propuesta retendría en su esencia el actual sistema electoral de la Asamblea Legislativa de Puerto Rico, la reducción de los escaños legislativos por acumulación casi duplicaría el número de votos necesario para conseguir uno de los referidos mandatos en uno u otro cuerpo legislativo.

Entre tanto, bajo la enmienda constitucional sobre el derecho a la fianza, todo acusado tendría derecho a quedar en libertad bajo fianza antes de mediar un fallo condenatorio excepto: los acusados de asesinato cometido con premeditación, deliberación o acecho; los acusados de asesinato cometido en medio de un robo en el hogar; los acusados de asesinato cometido en el curso de una agresión sexual o secuestro; los acusados de asesinato cometido al disparar un arma de fuego desde un vehículo de motor o en un lugar abierto al público, poniendo en riesgo la vida de más de una persona; o cuando la víctima del asesinato sea un agente del orden público que se encuentre en el cumplimiento de su deber. En estos casos el juez tendría discreción para conceder o denegar la fianza, tras evaluar si el acusado representa riesgo de fuga, riesgo de destrucción de evidencia o riesgo para la seguridad de otras personas o la comunidad.

El electorado puertorriqueño ya había rechazado anteriormente limitar el derecho a la fianza, en un referéndum celebrado en 1994.

Las propuestas enmiendas constitucionales cuentan con el pleno respaldo del gubernamental Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP), mientras que los cuatro partidos menores de la Isla (así como diversas organizaciones cívicas y religiosas) se oponen a las mismas. Entre tanto, el principal partido de oposición, el Partido Popular Democrático (PPD), no ha tomado bandos oficialmente, dejando en libertad a sus miembros a que voten según su mejor parecer; algunos líderes del PPD están en contra de las enmiendas propuestas, pero otros las favorecen, destacándose entre los últimos el candidato a Gobernador del partido, el Senador Alejandro García Padilla - quien no obstante le había votado en contra a las leyes habilitadoras del referéndum en la Legislatura.

De acuerdo con una encuesta publicada por el rotativo capitalino El Nuevo Día, los electores respaldarán ambas enmiendas por amplios márgenes (76% a favor de la reducción del número de legisladores, y 59% a favor de limitar la fianza). No obstante, debe señalarse que en los últimos tres referéndums celebrados en Puerto Rico (en 1991, 1994 y 2005), los pronósticos de las encuestas se equivocaron por completo, y aunque es posible que en esta ocasión las cosas discurran de manera diferente, el precedente aconseja tomar las predicciones de este año con cierta cautela.

Actualización

El electorado puertorriqueño rechazó por amplio margen las propuestas enmiendas constitucionales de reforma legislativa y limitación del derecho a la fianza en el referéndum celebrado el domingo, 19 de agosto de 2012; Elecciones en Puerto Rico tiene resultados pormenorizados del referéndum aquí.

Nuevamente, el resultado del referéndum contradijo los pronósticos de las encuestas de opinión pública.

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 08/20/2012 19:28 | permanent link

Puerto Rico 2012 Constitutional Amendments Referendum (updated)
(Esta entrada está disponible también en español.)

Voters in Puerto Rico go to the polls next Sunday, August 19, 2012, to cast ballots in a constitutional amendments referendum, concerning the Legislative Assembly's number of members and the right to bail.

The constitutional amendment on the Legislative Assembly's number of members proposes a reduction of the number of senators from 27 to 17, and the number of representatives from 51 to 39, starting in 2016. The number of Senate districts would be increased from eight to eleven, but each Senate district would elect one senator, instead of two. In addition, each Senate district would include three House of Representatives districts (instead of five), for a total of 33 House districts; each House district would continue to elect one representative. Moreover, the number of at-large seats in each House would be reduced from eleven to six. Likewise, the minority party representation cap would be reduced from nine to six seats in the Senate, and from 17 to 13 seats in the House of Representatives.

While the current Puerto Rico Legislative Assembly electoral system would be essentially retained under the proposed amendment, the reduction of legislative at-large seats would almost double the number of votes needed to secure one of the aforementioned mandates in either legislative body.

Meanwhile, under the constitutional amendment on the right to bail, every person accused of a crime would have the right to remain free on bail before being convicted except in the case of: people accused of murder with premeditation, deliberation or stalking; those accused of murder committed in the course of a home robbery; those accused of murder in the midst of a sexual assault or kidnapping; those accused of murder while firing a firearm from a motor vehicle or in a public open place, while endangering the lives of more than one person; or when the murder victim is an officer of the law in the line of duty. In these cases the judge would have the discretion to grant or deny the right to bail, after evaluating if the accused is at flight risk, at risk of destroying evidence or putting the safety of other people or the community at risk.

Puerto Rican voters had previously rejected limiting the right to bail, in a 1994 referendum.

The proposed constitutional amendments have the full backing of the ruling New Progressive Party (PNP), while the Island's four smaller parties (as well as diverse civic and religious organizations) are opposing them. Meanwhile, the main opposition party, the Popular Democratic Party (PPD), has not officially taken sides, leaving its members free to vote as they believe best. Some PPD leaders are against the proposed amendments, but others favor them, most notably among the latter the party's gubernatorial candidate, Senator Alejandro García-Padilla - who had nonetheless voted against the referendum enabling laws in the Legislature.

According to a poll published by San Juan newsdaily El Nuevo Día, voters will support both amendments by wide margins (76% in favor of reducing the number of legislators, and 59% in favor of limiting bail). Nevertheless, it must be pointed out that in the last three referendums held in Puerto Rico (in 1991, 1994 and 2005), poll forecasts proved to be completely wrong, and while it's possible that things may be different this time around, the precedent suggests that this year's predictions should be taken with some caution.

Update

Puerto Rican voters rejected by a wide margin the proposed constitutional amendments on legislative reform and limiting the right to bail in the referendum held on Sunday, August 19, 2012; Elections in Puerto Rico has detailed referendum results here.

Once more, the referendum outcome contradicted opinion poll forecasts.

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 08/20/2012 19:28 | permanent link

  Sun, May 06, 2012
Belgian television defying French presidential election reporting rules (updated)
Belgian French-language public broadcaster RTBF is once again reporting on the outcome of today's presidential election in neighboring France - in open defiance of the latter country's election reporting rules, which expressly forbid such activities until 8:00 PM CEST (2:00 PM EDT).

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 05/06/2012 12:37 | permanent link

  Wed, Mar 21, 2012
Certificado el MUS de Puerto Rico como partido inscrito
(This posting is also available in English.)

La Comisión Estatal de Elecciones de Puerto Rico certificó en el día de ayer al Movimiento Unión Soberanista (MUS) como partido inscrito por petición para las elecciones generales que se celebrarán en en la Isla el próximo 6 de noviembre.

Históricamente, la política en Puerto Rico ha girado en torno al asunto del status - la relación política de la Isla con los Estados Unidos. Desde 1968, dos partidos principales se han alternado en el poder: el Partido Popular Democrático (PPD), que ha procurado la retención del status actual de Estado Libre Asociado de los E.E.U.U., y el Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP), que desea convertir a la Isla en el estado No. 51 de la nación americana. Una minoría reducida - entre un dos y un cinco porciento de los votantes - apoya al Partido Independentista Puertorriqueño (PIP), que aboga por la independencia de Puerto Rico de los E.E.U.U.

Puerto Rico también contó con cuatro partidos a nivel Isla para las elecciones de 2008, cuando Puertorriqueños por Puerto Rico (PPR), de orientación ambientalista, logró inscribirse. Sin embargo, en dichas elecciones tanto el PPR como el PIP perdieron su condición de partido por petición, dado que ni uno ni el otro cumplió con los requisitos establecidos por ley en aquel momento para quedar inscrito, a saber por lo menos un siete por ciento del total de votos depositados para todas las insignias de partidos; o por lo menos tres por ciento del total de papeletas íntegras depositadas para todos los partidos en la papeleta para Gobernador y Comisionado Residente; o al menos cinco por ciento del total de votos depositados para todos los candidatos a Gobernador.

No obstante, el PIP se reinscribió como partido por petición a principios de 2009, y el PPR pudiera también reinscribirse como partido por petición, toda vez que ha recogido 48,000 de las aproximadamente 58,000 peticiones actualmente requeridas por ley para inscribirse. Por otra parte, el nuevo Partido del Pueblo Trabajador (PPT) ha radicado 30,000 endosos. De convertirse el PPR y el PPT en partidos inscritos, habría por primera vez desde 1972 seis partidos en la papeleta electoral puertorriqueña.

Elecciones en Puerto Rico tiene mayor información sobre los procesos electorales de la Isla, y resultados de elecciones a partir de 1920.

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 03/21/2012 14:47 | permanent link

Puerto Rico's MUS certified as a registered party
(Esta entrada está disponible también en español.)

The Commonwealth Elections Commission of Puerto Rico certified yesterday the Sovereigntist Union Movement (MUS) as a registered party by petition for the Island's upcoming November 6 general election.

Historically, Puerto Rican politics have revolved around the status issue - the question of the island's relationship with the United States. Since 1968, two major parties have alternated in power: the Popular Democratic Party (PPD), which has sought retention of the existing U.S. Commonwealth status, and the New Progresive Party (PNP), which wants to turn the island into America's 51st state. A small minority - around two to five percent of voters - backs the Puerto Rican Independence Party (PIP), which advocates Puerto Rico's independence from the U.S.

Puerto Rico also had four islandwide parties for the 2008 general election, when the environmentalist-oriented Puerto Ricans for Puerto Rico (PPR) secured its registration. However, both PPR and PIP lost their party by petition status in the election, as neither fulfilled the requirements set forth by law at the time to remain registered, namely at least seven percent of the total number of votes cast for all the party insignias; or at least three percent of the total number of straight ballots cast for all the parties; or at least five percent of the total number of votes cast for all the candidates for Governor.

Nevertheless, PIP re-registered as a party by petition in early 2009, and PPR may also re-register as a party by petition, as it has collected 48,000 of the approximately 58,000 petitions currently required by law for registration. On the other hand, the new Working People's Party (PPT) has filed 30,000 endorsements. Should PPR and PPT become registered parties, there would be six parties on the Puerto Rican election ballot for the first time since 1972.

Elections in Puerto Rico has more information on the island's electoral processes, and election results since 1920.

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 03/21/2012 14:40 | permanent link

  Mon, Mar 19, 2012
France 2012 presidential election official list of candidates
The Constitutional Council of France announced today the official list of candidates for the April 22, 2012 presidential election, which stands as follows:

- Madame Eva JOLY,

- Madame Marine LE PEN,

- Monsieur Nicolas SARKOZY,

- Monsieur Jean-Luc MÉLENCHON,

- Monsieur Philippe POUTOU,

- Madame Nathalie ARTHAUD,

- Monsieur Jacques CHEMINADE,

- Monsieur François BAYROU,

- Monsieur Nicolas DUPONT-AIGNAN,

- Monsieur François HOLLANDE.

The full text of the Council's decision is available in French here.

French newsdaily Le Monde has profiles of the ten presidential candidates.

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 03/19/2012 23:28 | permanent link

  Tue, Sep 27, 2011
Spain's government calls an early general election
(Esta entrada está disponible también en español.)

The government of outgoing Spanish prime minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero approved yesterday the decree to dissolve the Cortes - Spain's bicameral legislature - and hold an early general election on Sunday, November 20, 2011.

Elections to the Spanish Congress of Deputies has detailed information about Spain's electoral system, and the Official State Gazette (BOE) has the full (Spanish-language) text of Royal Decree 1329/2011, of September 26, of dissolution of the Congress of Deputies and the Senate and call to elections.

Concerning the redistribution of Congress of Deputies seats, only Madrid will have an extra seat in the lower house of the Spanish Cortes, at the expense of Cádiz, which will lose one. Had the 2008 general election taken place under the new distribution of Congress seats, the opposition People's Party (PP) would have had one seat fewer in Cádiz, but would have won the newly-added seat in Madrid. Otherwise, the ten parties represented in Congress would have obtained the same number of seats they won in the last election.

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 09/27/2011 16:04 | permanent link

Gobierno de España convoca a elecciones generales adelantadas
(This posting is also available in English.)

El gobierno del presidente (primer ministro) español saliente José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero aprobó en el día de ayer el decreto para disolver las Cortes - la legislatura bicameral de España - y celebrar elecciones generales adelantadas el domingo, 20 de noviembre de 2011.

Elecciones al Congreso de los Diputados de España tiene información detallada sobre el sistema electoral español, y el Boletín Oficial del Estado (BOE) tiene el texto completo del Real Decreto 1329/2011, de 26 de septiembre, de disolución del Congreso de los Diputados y del Senado y de convocatoria de elecciones.

En lo tocante a la redistribución de escaños en el Congreso de los Diputados, solamente Madrid contará con un escaño adicional en la cámara baja de las Cortes Españolas, a expensas de Cádiz, que perderá uno. Si las elecciones generales de 2008 se hubiesen llevado a cabo bajo la nueva distribución de escaños en el Congreso, el opositor Partido Popular (PP) hubiera contado con un escaño menos en Cádiz, pero hubiera conseguido el recien añadido escaño de Madrid. Por lo demás, los diez partidos representados en el Congreso hubieran obtenido el mismo número de escaños que ganaron en las pasadas elecciones.

posted by Manuel Álvarez-Rivera : 09/27/2011 16:04 | permanent link